Monthly Archive for June, 2008

Immigration is not good for you

Governments have their head in the sand about immigration—and this is as true for the US as it is for western Europe, the middle east or South Africa.

The riots and horrible street murders in South Africa vividly portray what happens when a country pits a foreign sub-proletariat against a resident proletariat, especially at a time when the economic pie doesn’t seem to be expanding fast enough.

The main trouble is that modern capitalist-inclined governments rather like it: immigration keeps down wages. (I’m not talking about the immigration of professionals—and how governments like to mislead the public by often conflating the two!) It provides an underclass who live on the margins of established society. They may not pay income taxes (although they pay VAT and every other kind of consumer tax), but this is made up for by their willingness to do dirty jobs, night shifts and off the books jobs like cleaners and nannies. Immigration, in short, is a deflationary economic tool and governments love that.

Hence the constant campaign by governments to resist anti-immigration movements. “It is good for economic growth” is a constant refrain, and in the more multicultural societies government ministers even go so far as to say immigration has brought a welcome dose of the outside world to our shores—everything from restaurants, to unknown fruits and vegetables, to music.

This is fine for the middle and upper classes who only meet immigrants in the restaurants or as the docile live-in maid, but is less than fine for the indigenous working class who rub shoulders with them every day, in the workplace, on their street, in the schools and increasingly in the jails where immigrants or their children are now over represented.

When governments preach about integration their message is not primarily aimed at the middle classes, who, if they see a problem like declining schools, quickly whisk their own children off to private education. The message is aimed at their own proletariat who, they say, mustn’t complain, must understand it is good for their country and who mustn’t fall into racist ways and allow themselves to be misled by demonic leaders.

Governments go out of their way to massage figures on the effects of immigration. The latest felon in this regard is the UK government which has allowed immigration to soar in recent years. A few months ago a committee of the House of Lords firmly rapped the government on the knuckles for hiding the fact that evidence showed that immigrants were lowering the wages of native British (including that of past immigrant generations, particularly their often workshy adult children).

This report is in line with much current research in America. Moreover, US government reports have showed that immigrants add very little to overall GNP and, indeed, if one looks at GNP per head instead of the gross total it has perhaps contributed to a decline.

Yet American public opinion has been brainwashed over decades about how immigrants have made the economy grow faster than western Europe’s. This is just not true if one looks at the measure that counts GNP (or income) per head.

There is no reason to think that South African leaders have looked at the matter any differently. Inflation has been a constant worry and the immigrants help with that. South Africa wants to boost its GNP figures so that it looks good to foreign investors. Immigration does that.

But the indigenous working class—much, much poorer than their developed country counterparts—are at the end of their tether. The government may have piped in water and electricity to their slums but if they can only work for subsistence wages in order to compete with the immigrants they feel cheated. They didn’t struggle for the liberation from apartheid—a peculiarly South African experience—to have to share their meagre bounty with people who arrive from countries where the anti-colonial struggle was relatively easy.

What is the answer? Keeping immigrants out is not easy. But there are ways for the government to favour their own citizens. First, they can commit resources to retraining programmes for their own unemployed or poorly employed citizens. This has to be done anyway if the working class is not to tie the hands of their politicians on free trade in a time of accelerating globalisation. Moreover, increasing the productivity of one’s own workers is the best route to lowering inflation and increasing GNP. Second, they can help the major countries of emigration develop their economies at home. When countries that once were big emigration countries developed—as varied as Turkey, Puerto Rico and Ireland—the immigrants voluntarily returned.

The time is overdue for a fair and honest debate on the value of immigration. It is not what it is cracked up to be.

The pendulum

Catch it while you can: Prospect contributor Alexander Fiske-Harrison can be found at the Jermyn Street Theatre until the end of this month starring in his new play The Pendulum. A historical drama set in 1900s Vienna, Fiske-Harrison takes the lead as one lieutenant Friedrich von Leiben, a soldier whose marriage to a young artist of Jewish ancestry is threatened by a climate of increasing suspicion and prejudice, as well as by his own jealousy.

The play has received good notices thus far, although there have also been some slightly consternated notes struck about how “relevant” its tale is to the present day. The Guardian, for example, muses that “if there are contemporary parallels, they are not obvious.” It’s a question the author may well be glad people are struggling to answer. As he put it to me:

I wanted to write something better than the drear recycled themes parading themselves as relevance so that I could act in something with some genuine drama. “Blood and sperm on the stage, darling,” as someone once said to me.

What with press deadlines, I haven’t made it to Jermyn Street yet myself, but I’m looking forward to a slice of modern drama that won’t include soliloquies which could have been taken from the leader pages of the Independent. Although I hope the author has been restrained enough to interpret his interlocutor’s advice figuratively…

“Big Phil”? Really??

It’s hard to know who’s happier — Chelsea or the tabloids. For the tabloids, “Big Phil” is perfect. From central casting. He’s already got a nickname - which they never managed with Avram Grant. And he’s famous. He’s won the World Cup and has managed a very successful Portuguese team with household names like Figo, Cristiano Ronaldo and Deco. And he’s a character (apparently). As for Chelsea, he’s perfect. he’s famous. He’s won the World Cup and has managed a very successful Portuguese team with household names, etc, etc. He might keep Carvalho at Stamford Bridge and might lure Deco over from Barcelona and keep him out of the clutches of Mourinho. And, crucially, he’s big enough a name, to prevent the expected exodus this summer.

If he’s perfect for Chelsea, Chelsea also happen to be perfect for him. They’re rich, he’s inheriting a good side and they’re used to very defensive football.

1) Scolari likes money. After all, he spent much of the 1980s and early 1990s in the middle east managing three different clubs in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia as well as the Kuwait national team (one of five Brazilian coaches in three years in the early 1990s) and a Japanese club side in 1997. So it’s not altogether a surprise that he returned Peter Kenyon’s call. Also, coincidentally, Palmeiras in Sao Paulo were the richest club in Brazil when he was there because of a sponsorship deal with the Italian dairy giant, Parmalat. That sponsorship deal finished the year he left for Cruzeiro, his last club job, where he won nothing — they came 3rd in the Brazilian leaguie in 2000 and 21st in 2001. He then left to manage Brazil.

Continue reading ‘“Big Phil”? Really??’

Enough already with the smack, Shmu’el

There are less than 300 Jews in British prisons, and Samuel is almost certainly the only convicted (former) international drug trafficker amongst the ultra-Orthodox Hasidic Jews of Stamford Hill in north London. “The Prisoner,” episode one of Jews, a three-part BBC4 documentary which starts on Wednesday 18th June, charts Samuel’s mission to reassimilate into a community which is in many ways more challenging than his previous nine years of hard time in Brazilian, Israeli and English prisons.

“A yiddische, haddische boy, with the curls and everything, what did I know about drugs?” Samuel, 38, muses, whilst allowing that Hasidic garb is a good drug smuggling disguise only up to a point, since it led to 12 years in jail. “He’s obviously unique: there isn’t another such case” his brother explains, adding that returning to a “very disciplined lifestyle” in a closed community with strict rules, severe dress code and segregation of the sexes will be very different from prison. Samuel must wear an electronic tag for five months following release, but this is almost unnecessary: everybody knows each others’ business in an enclave where people live according to rules fashioned in 18th-century eastern European villages.

The 20,000 Stamford Hill Hasidim have rarely been documented, much less filmed, by outsiders. Televisions are not encouraged in private homes. The internet is anathema. Women must not look men in the eye, and wear wigs and hats—in case the wigs are too realistic. One pious soul spends her days sewing up slits in skirts. Children wear tights from the age of three. People sway and mutter in constant prayer, including before and after using the toilet. While forgiveness and charity are part of the community ethic, Samuel himself must now choose between his former outlaw life and religious conformity. Having lived among criminals, not to mention non-Jews, he will never recover the carefree innocence of the young people scurrying about in black hats and coats, staring at the ground.
Continue reading ‘Enough already with the smack, Shmu’el’

Prospect online this week

This week we have two replies to pieces from the last couple of issues of Prospect.

  • Kenan Malik replies to Mark Pagel’s review of his book Strange Fruit and laments his inability to move on from stale positions in the race debate
  • Jessica Prendergrast of the Social Market Foundation replies to Guy Kenny and Michael Lodge and explains why the jury is still out on whether more mayors would be a good thing for Britain

How to cheer in China

This via a good friend of mine currently working in China: a BBC report suggesting that, even in matters of popular enthusiasm, nothing will be left to chance at the People’s Games:

Beijing Olympic chiefs are introducing an official cheer for patriotic spectators to spur on Team China at the Games, Chinese media reports. The authoritative, four-part Olympic cheer, accompanied by detailed instructions, will be promoted on TV, in schools and with a poster campaign. It involves clapping twice, giving the thumbs-up, clapping twice more and then punching the air with both arms. The cheer is accompanied by chants of “Olympics”, “Let’s go” and “China”. The Beijing Olympic Organising Committee has hired 30 cheering squads who will show spectators how it is done at Games stadia, reports Xinhua state media.

A committee official said the simple chants and gestures were designed to help spectators cheer for their favourite athletes in a smooth, civilized manner. The Ministry of Education is also arranging special training sessions in schools for the 800,000 students who are expected to attend the Games. Li Ning, president of the Beijing Etiquette Institute, told the Beijing News that the cheer was in line with general international principles for cheering, while at the same time possessing characteristics of Chinese culture.

You can see the results in action here, or brush up your Mandarin with a beautifully illustrated guide here.

Repeat after me: 奥运, 加油, 中国 !

Today’s top links

Radar magazine investigates how much having a famous parent can help you by, among other experiments, trying to arrange a political internship for a fictional daughter of George Lucas. Interestingly, George Lucas’s non-fictional daughter Amanda is a martial artist.

How the web was won—a history of the internet by the people who invented it.

Even Garfield cartoonist Jim Davies enjoys Garfield minus Garfield.

Luttwak, Obama, apostasy and New York Times self-hatred

For many, the most exciting thing about Barack Obama’s victory in the Democratic race is the prospect of a US president who will take concrete steps to improve America’s tarnished reputation in the rest of the world, particularly the Muslim world. Andrew Sullivan indulged the thought last year in his hymn of praise to Obama in the Atlantic: “It’s November 2008. A young Pakistani Muslim is watching television and sees that this man—Barack Hussein Obama—is the new face of America. In one simple image, America’s soft power has been ratcheted up not a notch, but a logarithm.”

Not so fast, said Prospect author and professional contrarian Edward Luttwak. Writing in the New York Times, Luttwak suggested that Obama’s chances of healing relations with the world’s Muslims would be crippled by his own personal history. Obama’s father was, famously, a Muslim, but renounced his faith, and Obama is a practising Christian, as we know from the Jeremiah Wright controversy. According to Muslim law, wrote Luttwak, Obama’s birth to a Muslim father, even one who had left the faith, made him an apostate. And apostasy in the eyes of Islamic clerics is the worst of crimes. The usual sentence is execution, and Islamic law states that any Muslim who kills an apostate shall be spared punishment. At the very least, said Luttwak, this would make security for the president on trips to Muslim countries even more of a headache.

Luttwak likes to ruffle feathers, and usually gets a response—his article “The middle of nowhere,” published a year ago in Prospect, which argued that the world would do best to ignore the increasingly irrelevant middle east, remains, I think, the most-read piece on our website. (The book of the same name is being published later this year.)

And Luttwak certainly got a response this time. Such a fierce one, in fact, that the NY Times conducted its own inquiry into Luttwak’s thesis, interviewing five Islamic scholars, and found, more or less, that Luttwak was talking complete bunkum. In a fine contribution to what is steadily becoming a grand tradition of self-flagellation at the Grey Lady, the newspaper’s public editor wrote: “Op-Ed writers are entitled to emphasize facts that support their arguments and minimize others that don’t. But they are not entitled to get the facts wrong or to so mangle them that they present a false picture… With a subject this charged, readers would have been far better served with more than a single, extreme point of view.

Prospect online this week

As Barack Obama finally clinches the Democratic nomination for president, Labour MP Denis MacShane argues that some of the most insightful coverage of American politics can be found in fiction. According to MacShane, The Race, by thriller writer Richard North Patterson, is the best book on the US political scene since Joe Klein’s Primary Colors. Although the novel is not quite a roman à cléf, its hero, Corey Grace, owes much to John McCain—Grace fought in the first Gulf war, when he was captured and tortured, and is now a senator seeking the Republican nomination. MacShane also recommends Arthur Schlesinger’s Journals 1952-2000. Schlesinger’s closeness to key Democratic figures (and Republican ones) make the book an invaluable guide to those seeking to understand the US presidential electoral process.

Also this week, the occasion of Israel’s 60th anniversary prompts historian Avi Shlaim to examine the changes in Zionist history of the last two decades. Shlaim is one of the “new historians” responsible for reshaping the view of Israelis towards the birth of their nation and the first Arab-Israeli war. Finally, crime writer Andrew Martin scorns the huge number of prizes, literary and otherwise, that now exist in Britain—but still hopes to win one himself.

Prospect reads

David Goodhart

I was naturally keen to read the first issue of Standpoint, the new rival monthly to Prospect with a firm right-wing perspective. I came away feeling a mixture of jealousy and relief. The magazine has established an elegant template—it looks very handsome and it feels already as if it has been around for a long time. Daniel Johnson’s first editorial is certainly less gauche than mine was nearly 13 years ago in the first edition of Prospect. He makes much of Standpoint’s intellectual affinity with the now defunct monthly Encounter—with 9/11 and the threat of radical Islam apparently standing in for the Soviet communism that Encounter was created to counter (a comparison that surely flatters the Islamists). But the point about Encounter, at least in its early days, is that it was a meeting place for the anti-communist left and right. And Prospect represents that tradition of political eclecticism far more than Standpoint does, from our launch edition—Amartya Sen, Geoff Mulgan (among many others) for the left, Sarah Hogg, Freddie Raphael (among many others) for the right—to the current issue—Alex de Waal, David Goldblatt on the left, David Willetts, David Trimble on the right. (Andrew Marr manages to sneak, elegantly, into both launch issues.)

And the trouble with feeling well established from the start is that it doesn’t feel, well, new. And that is because it is not new. There are far too many of the usual, centre-right suspects saying what they usually say at greater length. Yet another piece from Ed Lucas on Putin and the new totalitarianism, Douglas Murray on too much self-censorship over Islam, Jonathan Bate on bureaucracy and decline in higher eduction (similar to a piece in Prospect by Noel Malcolm written 12 years ago), several people saying they do things so much better in America, and so on. Standpoint does not feel very energetic, not even very angry. Prospect’s first issue, by contrast, was far less accomplished but—and of course I am biased—it feels as if it is trying to grapple with a big, complicated world out there; and at least we had some new voices, Standpoint has precisely none.

The only piece that I learnt anything from was Alasdair Palmer’s excellent article about Britain’s family courts (in fact, the Palmer piece and a charming review of Ferdie Mount’s autobiography by Charles Moore are the only two Standpoint pieces I would have happily snapped up for Prospect).

Of course, Standpoint’s timing is good with the probable return of the Conservatives to power (a mirror image of the arrival of Prospect 18 months before Labour’s 1997 victory). But why is there nothing on the new Toryism, apart from a dull column by George Osborne that might have appeared in the Times or the Telegraph? There should have been an interview with Oliver Letwin sceptically probing the new Tory progressivism from the right. I did not feel intellectually challenged anywhere in Standpoint, and almost every longer piece should have been more tightly edited (especially the piece by Bishop Michael Nazir-Ali). And the humour we were promised in the editorial did not really happen. Julie Burchill was underwhelming by her own high standards and the normally hilarious Craig Brown felt as if he was going through the motions.

Daniel Johnson promises that Standpoint will be a beacon of hope. But if the magazine has any purpose, it is to tell us that Britain (and it was a very British first issue) is going to the dogs, which is going to make for depressing reading. Having said all that, it does look and feel an attractive magazine, something a bit uplifting to carry around—and that is quite an achievement for a first go.

Tom Chatfield

Along with most of Britain, I’ve been reading Sebastian Faulks this week, who “writing as Ian Fleming” has given us the latest James Bond novel, Devil May Care. Although the first to assume Fleming’s name, Faulks is no less than the fourth person to have written an original, adult James Bond book since Fleming’s death, the first being Kingsley Amis, who wrote Colonel Sun in 1968 under the pen name Robert Markham, the second John Gardner, who wrote 14 official Bond novels under his own name between 1981 and 1996, and the third Raymond Benson, who took over from Gardner until 2003. To my mind, Faulks’s is one of the best of a lot, discarding the (sometimes tiresome) literary flourishes of his own oeuvre for a fast-paced yarn that is—just—kept on the right side of the ridiculous by dry wit and touches of pathos. The baddie has a monkey’s hand and an underwater lair; Bond’s efforts to keep himself in prime physical condition are as manfully noted as his preferred brands of booze, clothes and cars; while his getting of the girl satisfyingly follows an initial, uncharacteristic libido lapse. The book is, I note, Penguin’s fastest selling hardback fiction title ever, with 44,093 copies sold in the four days since it hit the shops. Bond is evidently not the only one to set store by vintage brands.

Will Daunt

Following Kurt Vonnegut’s death last year, I took it upon myself to read as much as I could whilst the plethora of reissues lasted. I’ve never been very good at binging on authors—overfamiliarity with a style makes my attention wander—but there is a quality to Vonnegut’s work which makes reading three of his novels in a row anything but tiresome. This may be because he is such a modest writer, using little narrative trickery and making no excuses for the flimsy nature of both his characters and plots. The narrator of Cat’s Cradle, for example, lacks any depth and conforms to the whimsy of those around him, happily adopting the overtly nonsensical religion Bokononism, then farcically becoming president of the fictional island San Lorenzo. Nothing in the book is believable or opaque, meaning that we are left to search for entertainment beyond the realms of narrative. Indeed, Vonnegut’s characters offer some of the purest satire available, in that they seem to have no purpose aside from parody.

However, like all good satire there lies a rich vein of wisdom in Vonnegut’s writing. The quasi-religious sentiment in Cat’s Cradle and the disparate episodes in Slaughterhouse-Five both make insightful statements about Vonnegut’s main thematic concern: the vulnerability of the human condition. The only thing which is sacred to the Bokononists is man, and although Vonnegut sometimes saw the very worst in the people round him, I think the same can be said of his writing.

Mary Fitzgerald

Seize the Day by Saul Bellow. Bellow’s novella charts the one-day inner journey of Tommy Wilhelm, a one-time salesman who has fallen on hard times. Jobless, broke and on the wrong end of a messy divorce, Wilhelm is trapped living in a cheap hotel in upper Manhattan, populated by retirees - including his disapproving father - heavily reliant on prescription medicines and alcohol, and captive audience to one of the residents, Dr Tamkin, a sort of perverse morality play figure, who delivers absurd pseudo-Freudian lectures while swindling Wilhelm (or “Wilky”) out of the only money he has left in the world.
The action of the day in question largely plays second fiddle to Wilhelm’s internal monologue, through which we learn, among other things, that as a young man he changed his name (a la Gatsby), broke with his family and tried to reinvent himself, only to return to the east coast defeated and humiliated. Embittered by the rough hand life has dealt him, and resentful of his father’s seeming lack of sympathy, Wilhelm’s excessive self-pity and introspection is, one suspect, deliberately overblown; and while the book initially threatens to go the way of a one-act Arthur Miller, it’s resolution (or lack of it) is refreshing. In the end it’s quite a satisfying, taut little read.

John Kelly

I’m reading The Threat to Reason by Dan Hind, published last year by Verso. It’s a very elegant polemic about how the Enlightenment ideas, as represented by Locke, Hume, Kant et al, have been hijacked by the “folk Enlightenment,” as represented by neoliberals, neocons and neanderthal New Labour.

What I’m not reading is “What we’re reading” on the Granta website, because it’s cheeky and disappointing to plagiarise—and I don’t class JB Priestley and VS Naipaul as new writing.

Susha Lee-Shothaman

“Suppose you’re a fan of the Philadelphia Eagles and you’re watching a football game,” starts one chapter of the book I’ve just finished. “The Eagles have possession and are down by five points with no timeouts left. It’s the fourth quarter, and six seconds are left on the clock. The ball is on the 12-yard line.” All of which means next to nothing to me. Fortunately, not knowing the rules of American football is no barrier to understanding Predictably Irrational, a recent book on behavioural economics by MIT professor Dan Ariely. Like many academics who are popularising their work (and economists may be particularly prone), Ariely sprinkles his book with anecdotes and references to popular culture and sport, seemingly afraid that readers won’t be able to relate to it otherwise. But his research is fascinating enough on its own.

Ariely is hardly the first person to point out that we are not the rational decision makers that classical economics assumes us to be. But, through simple experiments, often conducted on his students, he systematically demolishes the assumption. His message is that instead of being merely irrational, we are predictably so—and this very predictability can provide solutions to the problems irrationality creates. However, not all of his conclusions are so comforting. And despite 20 years of research in the field, Ariely admits that he can be as predictably irrational as the next person.

Tom Nuttall

For light bedtime reading I’ve been turning to Richard Price’s 1992 novel Clockers, an uplifting tale of violent crack dealers, corrupt cops and miscarriages of justice, set amid the bleak housing projects of New Jersey town Dempsey (Spike Lee turned it into a movie in 1995.) It’s a fast-paced and gripping tale, satisfying in its greedy ambition of plotting and character and almost Dickensian in its scope. (Similar comparisons have been made about the TV series The Wire, which I gave up on after one episode because I couldn’t understand anything the Baltimore dealers were saying to each other.)

I’ve also been intrigued to read a celebration (subscription required), in the impeccably liberal New York Review of Books, of the British approach to civil liberties in the post-9/11 age. David Cole, a law professor at Georgetown University in Washington DC, spent a semester at UCL in late 2006, and was surprised to discover that despite Britain’s lack of a written constitution and of a formal separation of powers, along with our history of Irish Republican terrorism, “the UK has been considerably more restrained and sensitive to rights in its response to terrorism… than the United States.” Cole at one point tells us that Tony Blair attempted to extend the maximum period of pre-charge detention of terrorist suspects to 19 (rather than 90) days—one hopes this is a mere typo rather than the foundation for his entire argument.