Monthly Archive for September, 2008

Power’s world: America’s fading military dreams

As said Mr Micawber: “Annual income twenty pounds, annual expenditure nineteen, nineteen and six, result happiness. Annual income twenty pounds, annual expenditure twenty pounds, nought and six, result misery.” If you can get past the Dickensian way of counting then there is a message for the US today. It no longer has the financial wherewithal to do what it wants to do.

If Barack Obama wins the election he has pledged to bring in a major reform of the health services and he has promised to cut the tax rate for the middle and working classes. He wants to expand the war in Afghanistan. If John McCain wins he wants to keep in place the tax breaks for the rich, fight to “victory” in Iraq, expand the war in Afghanistan and challenge Iran in such an assertive way that it could well lead to another war.

There is no chance that either candidate, after this financial disaster and the mammoth commitment to federal expenditure, can square the circle on future financial commitments.
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The strange world of batting averages…

Here’s a curious anomaly. If you look at the top ten bowling averages there are quite a few familiar names: Anderson (at the top), Harmison (3rd) and Hoggard (#7). Tremlett and Monty Panesar don’t come so high but they’re in the top 35. But the batsmen: not one England regular in the top 20. Andrew Strauss comes highest (23rd) at 47.03, but Vaughan, Pietersen, Ian Bell? Nowhere to be seen. Of course, they played fewer county games because of test commitments so they weren’t able to fill their boots around the counties. But, still, we are talking averages not aggregates, and great old-timers like Ramprakash (3rd) and Trescothick (average 46.59) are there. Curious.

Curious and perhaps not very interesting which may explain cricket’s problem. How many even remembered that the cricket season was still going on when there’s the antics at Newcastle and talk of law suits against West Ham to occupy the media? Apart from Durham winning the Championship (big congrats) how many could name who won the limited overs competitions? Thankfully the Ashes are back next year and with a fully fit Pietersen and Flintoff it could be an exciting summer.  But it’s a big if.  Anyone for a 5-0 whitewash with Flintoff’s ankle packing up and the middle order having another nervous breakdown? And if it isn’t, cricket could be joining Newcastle in the last chance saloon as public interest just fades away.

The First Obama-McCain Debate

                The most interesting thing about last night’s presidential debate occurred after the debate itself ended.  Victory, as adjudged by a variety of different focus groups and snap polls, was awarded pretty decisively to Barack Obama.

                What makes this so interesting, I think, is that it isn’t true.  Obama had some strong moments, certainly, and was never less than competent.  But the same might be said for John McCain.  As is usually the case with these presidential debates (a tradition, leaving aside the Kennedy-Nixon encounters in 1960, dating back only to 1976), the result was essentially a rather colourless draw.  By the time the major party candidates reach those lecterns, their pitches have usually been honed and polished to the point where one candidate’s outright superiority over another is unlikely to be visible to any objective observer.  The exceptions usually owe more to happenstance — a gaffe, a slip of the tongue, a misreading of the mood of the room — than to anything intrinsic to the candidacies.

                This is not to suggest that the differences in the styles of last night’s participants weren’t telling.  McCain seemed grumpy, frequently flashing his trademark (and strikingly unattractive) smirk, and initiating most of the contentious exchanges.  If points are awarded for aggressiveness (and if strict accuracy is regarded as irrelevant), McCain scored more points.  He played fast and loose with some of his facts, but as chess players say, he seized the initiative early, and he succeeded in holding it for most of the debate.  It has been observed by experienced McCain-watchers in the past that the Arizona senator has an emotional need to turn his opponents into outright enemies in order to contend with them effectively, and that process was very much in evidence last night;  he was not merely aggressive, but often hostile and sneeringly dismissive.  By contrast, Obama was cool, unintimidated, crisp in diction, physically at ease.  He was also more gentlemanly, addressing McCain collegially by his first name (the Senate is by tradition a very collegial institution, often referred to as “the club”), readily, perhaps too readily, offering agreement and acquiescence.  Whether as a result of tactical choice or inadvertence, he relinquished several opportunities to take the battle to his opponent.  On the occasions when he did seize such opportunities, however, his aim was truer than McCain’s, and the evening’s few memorable zingers belonged to him.  Should the debate produce any “YouTube moments,” they will redound to Obama’s advantage.  Nevertheless, taken simply as a forensic exercise, the debate produced no clear winner.

                The MacLuhanesque side of things was more in Obama’s favour.  He looked better than McCain, not merely younger and taller and more energetic, as was inevitable given the actuarial data, but, ironically, with more of a soldier’s bearing.  His voice was stronger, his presence more commanding, stiller and more self-contained.  He had that reassuring quality Americans describe as “presidential.”  And while Obama actively sought to engage his opponent, McCain often angled his body away from Obama and consistently and deliberately avoided eye-contact.  This latter phenomenon may well have left the most memorable visual impression of the entire debate;  some commentators have attributed it to contempt, but to me it looked like fear.  By either token, it was jarring and unattractive, almost repellent on an atavistic level.  To the extent that such irrational impressions, deriving more from primatology than political disputation, affect voters’ choices, Obama was the obvious beneficiary.

                But to go back to my initial point, what is most striking and most significant about the evening is the way independent voters rated the two candidates in the immediate aftermath of the event (and even in real time in two separate cases, twisting dials in response to what was being said as the debate proceeded).  Obama consistently came out ahead, usually substantially ahead.  Since I don’t believe this accurately reflects what was happening on stage, it leads me to conclude that people wanted to see Obama victorious, they were primed to be convinced.  Which may explain the statement of experienced political operative Bob Shrum, offered only minutes after the debate had ended:  “I think we now know who the next president will be.”

Tears on the Tyne — What’s so funny?

Why is everyone making fun of poor Newcastle? What’s the joke?

It’s this. Anyone can tell that for some years now there’s only been four top teams in the Premiership. They are the ones with the money, with the best players, with the best managers and they are the ones that win stuff. And then there’s the rest, and the rest divide between 1) Those who know they’ve got a struggle to stay in the Premiership, year in, year out, and 2) Those who don’t get it. They are the ones with delusions of grandeur but never win anything. It’s the old fur coat and no knickers line. They don’t play great football (we’re not talking about Newcastle under King Kev I or Man City under Joe Mercer). They don’t have many great players and when they do they sell them faster than Kevin Keegan walks out of the door. Think of Tottenham — they’ve managed to sell Robbie Keane, Jermaine Defoe and Berbatov in barely a year.

And yet, Tottenham, Man City and Newcastle go on as if they’re something special. It’s not hard to see what all three have in common. They all used to matter, but now they don’t. Er, that’s it. On their day they can take on anyone (eg Tottenham’s run in the Carling Cup, esp. the way they thrashed Arsenal in the Semis, or the way they battled against Chelsea in the FA Cup Semis the year before). And just when you think they’re getting it together they self-destruct. They get together a team with 3 top strikers and sell them all. They hire King Kev when everyone knows he won’t stick it. Then they hire Dennis Wise, because even they know King Kev won’t stay and they want insurance. And then when the fans hate Dennis Wise more than they hate Sunderland, they let Dennis Wise choose the new manager, another bloody Londoner. Or Man City. They get a good manager (well, two, but the Thai owner got rid of Sven). They manage to get Robinho. Great. And then they start talking about how they’re going to buy everyone. Ronaldo. Fabregas. Ronaldinho. Pele. Maradona. Yup. Eusebio. We’ll ‘ave ‘im. And then they lose to Brighton in the Carling Cup.

Tim Garton Ash goes on about George Bush and hubris. Tim, get a life. Watch the Premiership and then you’ll know what hubris looks like.

But note: no one laughs as Everton. No one laughs at Sunderland or Middlesbrough (alright, no one likes Middlesbrough but that’s another story). No one even laughs at West Ham.

I have a theory. What drives these clubs crazy? It’s having a great club nearby. Man City have got United lording it over them. Tottenham have got Arsenal. Alright, Newcastle haven’t got anyone but they don’t need anyone nearby to drive them crazy. That’s how crazy they are. And those the gods want to drive mad, they sell to a Nigerian consortium and hire Joe Kinnear…

Joe Kinnear!!!

Can it get any worse for the Geordie nation? First, King Kev does a runner. Then everyone else turns them down while West Ham find an excellent new manager in as long as it takes Big Mike to down a litre of alcohol-free lager. Then there’s talk of Newcastle being bought up by a Nigerian financial consortium (how’s that going down with the Geordie nation?). Everyone else gets an Arab oil billionaire or at least an American magnate. But, oh no, not Newcastle. And now they’ve been turned down by managers who haven’t had a job since Bobby Robson was a lad (El Tel, Glenn Hoddle, George Graham — the list goes on, how long have you got?). And now they’ve found a ’short-term’ stopgap: Joe Kinnear. Dennis Wise is taking the mickey. All that Geordie stuff about hating cockneys. You knew it would end in grief.

Fear and Loathing on Newsnight

One last thought about Ruth Kelly… Was she any good? I mean, everyone keeps going on about how hard-working she was as a cabinet minister, how young she was, what a great mind she has. Will Hutton could not have been more complimentary and that may not be a big deal to you, but it means a lot to me. And journalists have looked at this from every angle: Did she jump? Was she pushed? Did this push-me pull-you thing happen at 3 in the morning or at 3.30? Was it all because of David Grossman’s (from Newsnight not the Israeli novelist) brilliant scoop about the cabinet reshuffle the night before? I mean, really every angle.Was it good for Gordon? Bad for Gordon? Good for Miliband? Good for Cameron? Good for backbenchers I’d never heard of and will never hear of again (if I can help it). We’re talking lots of angles.

But no one that I heard — on Newsnight, The World at One, Channel 4 News, The Ten O’Clock News, Newsnight (again) — said whether she was any good at what she did. No one looked at British education while she was education secretary or the state of British transport. No one crunched any figures. Grade inflation? Number of teachers or headteachers retiring early? Stats on classdroom violence. Failing schools. Number of illiterate and innumerate children leaving primary school? Number of illiterate and innumerate children leaving secondary school? Number of employers stuck with kids who can’t read or write but have GCSEs worth nothing? Not a word. What about transport? How about those rail line closures we kept reading about in the summer? Those unbelievably expensive rail fares? Anything to do with the minister of transport? Is the Eurostar still going slower in Kent than in northern France? Just wondered. Terminal 5? Airlines going bust? Is that transport?

Just wondered. Curious that Jeremy Paxman, Martha Kearney and Jon Snow didn’t.

Power’s world: the dreadful simplicity of War and Peace

Does America know what a dangerous game its leaders are playing? Does it know its history? And do the leaders of Europe, who should be a brake on American determination, go along with Washington because they are almost equally ignorant? After all, none of the present crop of European leaders have had time to study much history, and all of them made their way upwards in their party ranks because of their skill and knowledge of domestic affairs. Foreign Secretary David Miliband is a perfect example. His knowledge of the world begins circa 1990. He and his like have had little or no preparation for the affairs of the world.

On the Russian, Georgian and Ukrainian side one can make the same argument. Ignorance reigns so history can be repeated.

World War One was the most important event, geopolitically, of the last century. After 43 years of unbroken peace in Europe, the continent slipped into war with barely a diplomatic thought. The issues were there: whether or not Austrian power could prevail in Italy, the degree of influence Russia was allowed to enjoy in the Ottoman Empire, the balance of power between Prussia and Austria in Germany and that between Prussia and France across Europe. But Europe had managed these tensions for four decades until an assassin’s bullet murdered Archduke Ferdinand of Austria, and leaders across Europe lost their perspective.
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Prospect’s new issue: Miliband’s message

Britain’s foreign secretary is touted by many as a future prime minister and the saviour of his party—questions that the current torments of the Labour party have made especially urgent. In the unlikely event of a coup against Gordon Brown, David Miliband probably won’t be among either the ringleaders or the chief beneficiaries. But it is increasingly clear that this ambitious, intellectual and articulate politician has a central role to play in the future of British politics.

In our cover story this month, Miliband spoke to a panel of interviewers—Robert Cooper, Kishwer Falkner, David Goodhart, Dominic Lawson and Richard Reeves—in the fullest and frankest public exposition to date of his thinking as both a foreign secretary and Labour politician. It’s a confident, informed performance, and one which moves between the inevitable blandness of pre-prepared lines and some engagingly impassioned discourses on policy, the history of Labour thought, and the larger problems besetting modern politics.

Among other topics, Miliband discusses the nature and future of liberal intervention, great power rivalries in a globalised world, climate change, British politics, the future of Labour and the left—and why and how social inequalities need to be attacked. The scene is certainly set for a convincing post-election leadership challenge, if Labour lose and Miliband decides to stake his claim. How might the mantle of prime minister-in-waiting sit on him then, with a Cameron-led Conservative party in power?

As ever, please let us know your thoughts and share your comments below.

Technical incompetence on More4

What is it with More4? Tonight (24 September) they hit a new low when they managed to lose Part Two of ‘The Daily Show with Jon Stewart’ which just happened to include a terrific interview with Bill Clinton. Instead, they re-ran Part One by mistake. On a proper TV channel a continuity announcer leaps in to apologise and the problem is sorted out. Because no one at More4 seems to watch their own channel, it took a while for any announcement and by then they were out of time. So, no Bill Clinton on the current crisis.

Why finance is turning Japanese

As credit crunches ever harder on the global economy, Jonathan Ford explains in our lead opinion this month why the Wall Street crash of 1929 is a less significant analogy to the situation today than the Japanese crisis of 1989—the year which marked the start of a 13-year decline in the Nikkei index of leading Japanese shares.

As in late-1980s Japan, Ford argues, banks have now lent too much money to bad borrowers. Having made big losses, they are concerned about more bad debts coming down the line, eroding their capital. This has made them extremely reluctant to lend—even to one another—and may set in motion a pattern of “deleveraging malaise” that traditional mechanisms, such as the lowering of interest rates, cannot break.

Is the world set to become debt-averse in a way that threatens growth across the entire global economy? It’s a possibility, he believes, that we discount at our peril.