Author Archive for Ayanna Prevatt-Goldstein

Did you actually read the book? 3: “The Threat to Reason” by Dan Hind

Most commentators and intellectuals talk about science, knowledge and the enlightened inheritance in the context of a struggle with external enemies: the enlightened liberal polity is threatened by “medieval” Islam; enlightened scholarship is threatened by postmodern relativism, and so on. Richard Dawkins’s recent documentary, The Enemies of Reason, perfectly expresses this version of Enlightenment. For him the enemies of reason are homeopaths, astrologers and faith healers (when they aren’t religious fundamentalists, of course). In my book, The Threat to Reason, I ask whether it is adequate to set up a conflict between the rational and the irrational, cheer for the rational side, and revel in one’s enlightened sophistication. For it seems to me that this way of thinking about Enlightenment obscures much more serious “enemies of reason” than reiki therapists.

I try to show that the most serious threats to an adequate understanding of reality reside in rational institutions—above all in the state and the corporation. A model of Enlightenment that ignores or misrepresents these threats should be recognised for what it is, a branch of the entertainment business, a kind of “folk Enlightenment.” This folk Enlightenment, with its staple confrontation between the rational (good) and the irrational (bad), sells books and attracts viewers, but its commercial appeal should not blind us to its inadequacy.

The Independent recently published a mixed, but finally negative, review by James Harkin of my book. There are three points in Harkin’s review where I think the reader might come away with a misleading impression of the book’s argument. Harkin’s difficulties seem to derive from his insistence that Enlightenment can only be threatened by enemies that openly declare themselves.

Continue reading ‘Did you actually read the book? 3: “The Threat to Reason” by Dan Hind’

Distorted and dysfunctional?

Today the National Housing Federation published a damning report on England’s housing market, describing it as “distorted and dysfunctional,” with research by Oxford Economics predicting that house prices will rise by up to 40 per cent in the next five years.

Gordon Brown has already recognised the severity of the crisis, prioritising the building of affordable housing in his first legislative statement as prime minister in July.

We are so confused about housing in this country. We want to own a house not rent a flat—low density living is the norm across the UK, even in London, which is the least dense large city in Europe—but we want to preserve the green belt. And what about all those empty properties (some 700,000) and the undeveloped land the developers are sitting on? Should we continue to let City bonuses and foreign investment skew the market in the capital? Should we tax underoccupancy? Should we tackle the collapse of confidence in pensions which has encouraged the rise of the house as pension?

But is there a crisis anyway? Simon Jenkins reminds us that the key figure for first-time buyers is not the purchase price of a house, which they will probably sell long before they have paid for it, but the cost of the monthly mortgage repayments. Median housing payments for first-time buyers, he says, were 16 per cent of income in 1975, 18.4 per cent in 1980, a huge 27 per cent in 1990, 14 per cent in 2000 and 16.8 per cent last year.

With interest rates increasing, however, the ratios are worsening. Over the first half of this year, repossessions have averaged 77 houses a day, a 30 per cent increase on the same period a year ago. Although the number of repossessions is still well below the levels seen in 1991, when 76,000 properties were repossessed, at a rate of 208 every day, the trend is worrying.

Look out for a forthcoming blog series in which Harvey Cole dismantles some myths surrounding our housing market.

Prospect triumphs in Las Vegas

In Prospect last month, David Flusfeder explained the poker boom and the battle between the small poker clubs and big casinos. The modern era of poker, he wrote, can be dated to 2003, when the gorgeously named Chris Moneymaker won the Main Event of the World Series of Poker in Las Vegas. The Main Event, also known as the Championship Event or the Big One, began with six players in 1970, and is now the most important fixture in the poker calendar. Moneymaker was the first person to win the Main Event after qualifying on the internet, a rags to riches story that boosted the game’s popularity and confirmed the merging of the online and live versions of the game. In how many other sports can an amateur enter the top professional event and have a chance of winning?

I was grateful for the education Flusfeder provided, for I knew very little about poker before reading his article, and I suddenly had a need to know more. My youngest brother Chica had inadvertently got himself a place at the Main Event in July by winning a small-stakes game on a poker website. He was going to Las Vegas, expenses paid and his $10,000 buy-in provided. How strange.

My brother graduated a year ago and has since found that playing online poker—with its tax-free earnings, flexible working hours, sofa location and the thrill of the game (though he says it’s diminishing)—is preferable to a normal job. And he’s rather good at it. But playing poker online is a whole different story to playing for real, with its tells and fake tells and poker face. “Internet qualifier” is an epithet often used dismissively at the Main Event. Our mother, who vaguely objects to poker on moral grounds, found herself suggesting that he should get some experience in a casino.

Never mind if you get knocked out in the first round, we said, what an achievement to get there, what an experience to be there, you’ve got nothing to lose. But then he got through Day One (of which there were three, to knock out the first few thousand players), and then Day Two. Was this to be a Moneymaker story? On Day Three he came unstuck. But he did himself proud. He came 389th out of 6,358. And he flies back to England tomorrow a richer man (the top 621 players end up in the money).

David Flusfeder was there too. He finished in 321st place, leaving Las Vegas with more money than he came with for the first time. See his blog for the full story.

Congratulations to you both.

Did you actually read the book? 2: “How Rich Countries Got Rich and Why Poor Countries Stay Poor” by Erik S Reinert

In the latest issue of Prospect magazine, Paul Collier reviews two books, Lawrence Harrison’s The Central Liberal Truth: How Politics Can Change A Culture and Save it from Itself and my How Rich Countries Got Rich and Why Poor Countries Stay Poor. Both books represent an alternative thinking to that of the Washington institutions, including the World Bank, where Collier was formerly director of the development research group.

The starting point for this debate is the striking failure of the Washington institutions to create wealth in many countries. To compensate for that failure, the Washington institutions insist on receiving the credit for the successes of China and India. In his article, Paul Collier uses the example of India’s economic success following liberalisation to dismiss the argument for a degree of protectionism in domestic markets. Yet the success of India and China is based on a) protecting their industrial structure for more than 50 years, and b) opening up their economies gradually, not with shock therapy. These two strategies starkly contradict the key recommendations of the Washington institutions.

Yes, India and China had too little competition and they probably protected their economies for too long, but you want to make sure that is the side on which you err. Because 500 years’ history of economic policy show that all nations which have escaped poverty have been through a mandatory passage point of protecting and subsidising an industrial or manufacturing sector in which economies of scale can be accomplished, before successfully opening up for free trade.

I don’t blame trade liberalisation for poverty as Collier states. I blame premature trade liberalisation on the one hand (the right) and I blame protection without competition on the other hand (the left). Squeezed between the free marketeers and the planning paradigm, the historically successful European and North American blend of protection and competition was often unlearned during the 20th century.

Collier measures success as increased trade. I measure success as an increase in real wages. Collier fails to address the problem I point to, that his success criteria often conflict with mine. My book shows how increased trade often leads to lower real wages if trade is opened too early and too abruptly.

In his 1848 Principles of Political Economy, John Stuart Mill observes: “It often happens that the universal belief of one age of mankind… becomes to a subsequent age so palpable an absurdity, that the only difficulty then is to imagine how such a thing can ever have appeared credible. It looks like one of the crude fantasies of childhood.” When economists admit that some comparative advantages lead nations into specialising in being poor, as Collier implicitly does in his review, then we can return to a framework that was once accepted by the members of the United Nations: the 1948 Havana Charter which counted full employment, economic and social progress and development among its objectives. Let’s try to agree on what we are in favour of, not haggle to save face over past mistakes.

Read an extended version of this reply here.

Buy How Rich Countries Got Rich and Why Poor Countries Stay Poor at the Prospect bookshop

Prospect reference library - Stern review

We will be posting key primary documents that have shifted the parameters of public debate, so that you can read the real thing here. First up is the Stern review on the economics of climate change, published in October 2006. The review showed how little it would cost to cut emissions sharply, and made the business case for acting now. The full executive summary is here. For the review, background and commissioned research, and reflections and responses since its publication, visit the treasury website.

For more analysis, read Adair Turner’s article which argues that the Kyoto protocol remains the best way to address climate change. And David Strahan on what Stern got wrong.

Did you actually read the book? 1: Moral Minds by Marc Hauser

[This is the first in an ongoing series on First Drafts, in which authors are given space to reply to reviews of their books. Here, Marc Hauser, professor of psychology at Harvard, responds to Jonathan Derbyshire's Guardian review of his Moral Minds.

The argument in Moral Minds is that we have evolved a moral instinct, a dedicated set of neural circuits designed to deliver moral verdicts of right and wrong. The foundation of this moral capacity is a universal moral grammar, a set of principles that assess the beliefs, desires and goals of an agent with respect to his or her actions, and the consequences for the welfare of others. What this thesis suggests is that much of our moral reasoning may be illusory, mediated instead by intuitive and unconscious processes that are, to some extent, immune to cultural influences.]

Though much of Jonathan Derbyshire’s review captures much of my book Moral Minds quite accurately, there are some egregious errors that I would like to flag. I will quote directly from Derbyshire so that there is no misunderstanding.

Problem one. My moral sense test aims to probe moral intuitions by asking respondents how they imagine they would act in various hypothetical moral dilemmas. One such dilemma asked respondents to imagine themselves standing on a bridge from which they can see a tram hurtling towards five people stranded on the track. The only way to save their lives is to drop a heavy weight in front of the tram. A fat man also happens to be standing on the bridge. Should you push him to his death in order to stop the tram, or leave him, in which case those on the track will die?

Derbyshire writes that, “Hauser reports that only 10 per cent of respondents said it was morally permissible to push the fat man from the bridge. From this and similar results, he deduces a universal ‘intention principle,’ according to which intended harm is morally worse than harm that is foreseen but not directly intended. What is unclear, however, is why Hauser thinks data like these also license claims about the existence of a discrete moral faculty or ‘organ.’ It is one thing to articulate principles that help to make sense of our intuitive responses to moral dilemmas, but quite another to conclude from this that such principles must belong to a particular region of the brain.”

I did not claim that an understanding of the principles that guide moral judgement licences inferences about neural localisation. What I did say was that an understanding of the principles that guide our judgements enables us to move into detailed studies of the brain, attempting to both localise such psychological processes, chart their development and explore what happens when they break down. This is precisely what my students and I have done. For example, using functional magnetic resonance imaging, we recently published a paper that shows that the right temporo-parietal junction is critically involved in dilemmas that entail information about a person’s beliefs. More importantly, the level of activation in this area is modulated by the outcome of an action. Thus, if a person believes he will do harm and his actions cause harm, then the pattern of activation in this region is different than if the person believes he will do harm, but fails to do so. We explored this area in part because of our interest in how beliefs, intentions, goals and action figure into our moral judgements. Thus the theoretical and behavioral work motivates an exploration at the neural level.

Problem two. “Moral Minds is full of fascinating reports on psychological experiments, few of which offer any obvious support for Hauser’s ambitious claims about moral grammar.”

Moral Minds provides a novel way of looking at our moral psychology, building on the general insights of Chomsky, the more specific ideas expressed by Rawls, and most recently, the work of the philosophers John Mikhail and Sue Dwyer. Unlike Pinker’s The Language Instinct, which eloquently summarised not only Chomsky’s arguments about language but the mountain of evidence that had accumulated over the 40 years since his initial account, Moral Minds was exploratory. But half the battle in science is to ask new questions that are, we hope, sufficiently interesting for people to attempt to answer. When I began working on this problem three to four years ago, there were several questions that had never really been asked. For example, to this day we still have no evidence about critical periods for acquiring a moral system, whether the first moral system is acquired in a fundamentally different way from a second system acquired later in life, of whether people can be “bi-moral,” and whether the neural representation of one moral system is different from the representation of two. Once the linguistic analogy is invoked, these become the obvious questions. Moral Minds has already set off a host of experiments, some of these from my own lab; interested readers may wish to download some of our recent papers.

Problem three. “And there is nothing here to suggest that this nascent discipline will conquer the ‘proprietary province of the humanities’ any time soon.”

I did not claim that a biology of morality will conquer the humanities. In fact, Derbyshire fails to quote the complete sentence, which reads: “Inquiry into our moral nature will no longer be the proprietary province of the humanities, but a shared journey with the natural sciences.” The natural sciences are coming into increasing contact with the social sciences and humanities. For me, and many of my colleagues, there is an appreciation that the best work will come from a collaboration, one that recognises both that different disciplines have different strengths, and that each discipline brings some proprietary issues, some of which are open to inter-disciplinary fertilisation. In the case of morality, the biological sciences can provide rich descriptions of how people judge moral dilemmas and how they act in such cases, but it can not dictate what we ought to do. The field is abuzz, and the results are emerging quickly. I am glad to be alive to witness this renaissance, an inquiry into one of the most interesting aspects of human life.

LINKS

Marc Hauser’s website

Buy Moral Minds at the Prospect bookshop

Participate in the moral sense test